The Bolivian generals have carried out another coup, overthrowing President Lidia Gueiler and setting up a military government under Gen. Luis Garcia Meza. A similar coup had been organized last November by Col. Alberto Natusch Busch. But after deposing Walter Guevara Arce and briefly remaining in power, Busch had to abandon his adventure in face of a large-scale response by the mass movement. He had been condemned around the world and even by a section of the army. Garcia Meza participated in Busch’s operation and was named army commander. Although he was removed from that post several days later, he forced President Gueiler to name the “hard line” Rocha in his place, instead of the “moderate” Villaroel. Last May, Garcia Meza resumed his functions as army commander. Two months were enough to prepare for a new coup, which all evidence indicates Garcia Meza already began planning right after Busch’s fall.
This time the operation was prepared more carefully, and included the participation of Argentine “advisers.” No outward divisions appeared within the armed forces. The coup’s success was made possible by this unity in the army, as well as by the rapidity with which the military was able to arrest many political and trade-union leaders and even assassinate some of them. This was so, despite a widely followed general strike and courageous popular resistance that one week later had still not been beaten back in the mining regions.
The stated aim of the Bolivian military was to prevent Hernan Siles Zuazo—a leader of the Left Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNRI)—from becoming president following a parliamentary vote. In both 1978 and 1979, there had also been no outcomes in those general elections; one was annulled because of fraud, another resulted in a coup by Gen. Juan Pereda that deposed Guevara Arce.
This time the generals intervened more directly and firmly, taking power in their hands in the reactionary tradition of former military dictators Rene Barrientos and Hugo Banzer.
Siles Zuazo represents the moderate wing of the bourgeoisie that is in favor of 886
“institutionalization” and a normalization of relations with the trade unions and workers political organizations. By himself, he represented no danger to the indiginous ruling classes or to imperialismwhich was actually opposed fo preventing Siles Zuazo from assuming the presidency and which up to now has openly condemned the coup.
But the generals obviously feared that Siles Zuazo would not be able to control and channel the mass movement, especially in a period of economic catastrophy that does not allow even the slightest concession.
The coup was carried out with extreme brutality. There have already been many victims. And even fiercer repression threatens the miners, who once again are in the vanguard of heroic resistance. The stadium in La Paz, full of prisoners, invokes ominous memories for militant workers and defenders of democratic rights.
This new coup shows once again the narrow limits of the “institutionalization” that sectors of the ruling class and imperialism advocate. It reveals the precariousness of any restoration of democratic rights as long as the repressive apparatus of the. dictatorship is not dismantled. It confirms in the most dramatic way that the working class and peasant masses can count only on their own broad and united organizations and self-defense bodies to defend their democratic rights, safeguard their most elementary interests, and avoid becoming the unarmed victims of the ruling class’s savagery.
Unfortunately, it must be recognized that the many lessons of the past have not yet borne fruit. The coup was predictable. In fact, everyone was waiting for it to happen. In spite of this, none of the necessary preparations were taken that could have successfully counteracted it. The Bolivian Workers Federation (COB) played an important role, especially during the last year. But it was under the dominant influence of leaders who were unable or unwilling to ensure effective unity. Despite their statements, they did nothing to seriously organize workers and peasants to defend themselves.
Leaders and activists of the Bolivian workers movement have been hit hard. The workers movement is now facing the harshest repression ever, with the installation of a Chilean-type regime.
The Bolivian workers movement needs immediate and massive solidarity from the international workers movement.
The actions of the Bolivian putschists have been so cynical and brutal that up to now not one single voice has been raised in their defense. Even those outside of Bolivia who collaborated with them have not dared to openly admit their involvement. It is still possible to prevent the resistance from being crushed and the generals from consolidating their reactionary dictatorial power. In every country, workers parties, trade unions, and committees in defense of democratic rights must immediately mobilize. They must participate in the protests already underway, such as the occupations of Bolivian embassies and other actions.
We must demand an immediate end to all repressive moves. We must demand the release of all political prisoners and full democratic rights for all organizations of the workers movement.
No country should recognize a president imposed by armed might! The new government should receive no military or economic aid!
Solidarity with all Bolivians who must once again flee into exile!
Against the military dictatorship of Garcia Meza!
Solidarity with the Bolivian workers and peasants!