There have recently been new developments in the struggle of the oppressed in South Africa. In the space of a few weeks we have seen the combination of:
e mobilizations for the boycott of elections to the “Coloured” and “Indian” assemblies (these assemblies do not affect the 20 million Blacks):
e school strikes and student demonstrations: @ riots in certain townships; e and now the miners who are preparing to go on strike,
All this is taking place in a period marked by the growing number of workers struggles in the workplaces, the strengthening of independent non-racial trade unions, and the progress made toward their unification.
The most striking proof of the population's resolute opposition to and deeply felt rejection of Apartheid has just been shown — apart from anything else — by the boycott of the racial elections at the end of August 1984. Less than 20 percent of the “Coloureds” and less than 10 percent of the Indians voted in the masquerade organized by Pieter Botha. The latter is nonetheless pursuing the implementation of his constitutional reforms and has just been designated President of the Republic at the head of a parliament separated into three chambers based on racial criteria.
Emboldened by diplomatic successes that have made possible the signing of agreements with Angola and Mozambique and Botha’s trip to Europe, the racist regime thought it could peacefully organize a “facelift” of Apartheid. It has benefited from the support of the Reagan administration and in general of all imperialist governments.
Today however it is faced with problems on the domestic front. In fact these cosmetic reforms are deepening racial discrimination and have not sown illusions among the South African masses, whose degree of organization is increasing. The recent mobilizations confirm the central role already being played by the independent trade unions and civic associations. Hundreds of thousands of workers, women, and youth are now in these organizations.
Recent struggles have also shown the need for political centralization. In their own way the United Democratic Front and the National Forum are seeking to fill this vacuum. This immediately subjects them to repression, in the same way as the underground African National Congress militants.
One of the most important lessons of recent events is the combination of social, economic, and political demands that emerged, as well as the simultaneous entrance into struggle of a wide range of mass movement sectors. School students have demanded the recognition of student councils and an end to corporal punishment, township dwellers have refused rent increases, and miners are demanding a wage increase. But all these demands combine with the struggle for democratic and trade union rights — a struggle that is understood by all these sectors as a central confrontation with the racist regime.
This demonstrated the explosive nature of the situation, the breadth of the accumulated social tensions, and the intensity of the national question, This combination of demands shows that the oppressed masses do not want a reform of the regime but the overthrow of Apartheid and exploitation.
The arrest of dozens of leaders and hundreds of demonstrators and the assassination of dozens of Blacks in the recent demonstrations show the real face of the so-called democratization of Apartheid. Each time this will be the only response of the racist regime. Consequently it is necessary that the oppressed masses of South Africa receive systematic international support. The workers and democratic movements must give ongoing support to the organizations formed by the Black masses of South Africa. And they must organize mobilizations against all types of collaboration of the imperialist countries with the South African regime.
We must give the greatest attention to South Africa.
The Fourth International calls on all its seetions and members to participate in all mobilizations in solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and to defend all their organizations.